Quotes

"Fascism and communism both promise "social welfare," "social justice," and "fairness" to justify authoritarian means and extensive arbitrary and discretionary governmental powers." - F. A. Hayek"

"Life is a Bungling process and in no way educational." in James M. Cain

Jean Giraudoux who first said, “Only the mediocre are always at their best.”

If you have ten thousand regulations, you destroy all respect for the law. Sir Winston Churchill

"summum ius summa iniuria" ("More laws, more injustice.") Cicero

As Christopher Hitchens once put it, “The essence of tyranny is not iron law; it is capricious law.”

"Government’s view of the economy could be summed up in a few short phrases: If it moves, tax it. If it keeps moving, regulate it. And if it stops moving, subsidize it." Ronald Reagan

"Law is where you buy it." Raymond Chandler

"Why did God make so many damn fools and Democrats?" Clarence Day

"If I feel like feeding squirrels to the nuts, this is the place for it." - Cluny Brown

"Oh, pshaw! When yu' can't have what you choose, yu' just choose what you have." Owen Wister "The Virginian"

Oscar Wilde said about the death scene in Little Nell, you would have to have a heart of stone not to laugh.

Thomas More's definition of government as "a conspiracy of rich men procuring their own commodities under the name and title of a commonwealth.” ~ Winston S. Churchill, A History of the English Speaking Peoples

“Laws are like cobwebs, which may catch small flies, but let wasps and hornets break through.” ~ Jonathon Swift

Wednesday, November 19, 2014

Bandanas and Balaclavas are more than a Sartorial Choice - ‘Bracing’ for Violence in Ferguson

How much would you have bet that Al Sharpton would now be a presidential advisor? m/r

‘Bracing’ for Violence in Ferguson | National Review Online


By Heather Mac Donald  11-19-14

Encouraged by Sharpton and other agitators, too many see rioting as a black entitlement.



Beleaguered store owners in Ferguson, Mo., are boarding up their shop windows again; police departments throughout the area are purchasing riot gear; and the governor of Missouri has declared a state of emergency, a condition precedent to activating the National Guard — all in anticipation of the grand jury’s imminent decision on whether to indict Officer Darren Wilson for the shooting death of 18-year-old Michael Brown in August. These depressing precautions are considered normal. Fifty years after the cataclysmic riots of the 1960s, rioting is still regarded as virtually a black entitlement. No one is “bracing,” in press parlance, for white riots or police violence should Officer Wilson be indicted. Nor were there preparations for Asian riots last month in Los Angeles as a jury heard a murder case against a 22-year-old thug from South Central L.A., who, along with an accomplice, had shot two Chinese engineering students attending the University of Southern California in 2012. That murder, as the Ph.D. candidates sat quietly in their car near campus, was part of a horrific pattern of attacks on Asian students at USC, one that has not resulted in either the threat or the reality of Asian “unrest.”
The fear of riots in Ferguson has grown more intense because of a growing sense that the grand jury might not deliver a murder indictment. Why might it not indict for murder? There is no hint of jury bias or biased prosecution, despite the groundless and incendiary claim to the contrary by a Brown family lawyer. Rather, the jury might not indict for murder because the evidence might not support a murder charge. The story offered up by Brown’s friend Dorian Johnson about the shooting — that Wilson had grabbed Brown without provocation and tried to choke him, and then had ruthlessly shot Brown when his hands were up — was always unlikely. Forensic evidence supports Wilson’s claim that Brown had repeatedly punched and scratched Wilson in his car and tried to grab his gun, putting Wilson in fear for his life. One might think that it would be good news if Wilson did not initiate the violent encounter or shoot Brown in cold blood: It would mean one less instance of alleged police brutality. Instead, the possibility that there might be no basis for charging murder apparently increases the risk of violence, since the conviction that Brown was the victim of murderous police racism is unfalsifiable.
Normal, as well, is the sickening sense of dread with which one awaits another possible outbreak of black rage. The press’s eager expectation of such an outbreak is palpable. After all, it has been fueling the conceit for years that blacks remain under siege by white bigots in the criminal-justice system, schools, and workplace. The Obama administration has lent its prestige to this conceit, charging, for instance, that the elevated rate of black school suspensions reflects administrator and teacher bias. The disproportionate rate of black students’ misbehavior is left completely out of the anti-discipline crusade, just as the disproportionate rate of black crime is ignored when the media, the White House, and academics discuss allegedly racist police activity and incarceration. The mantra of the Ferguson protests is “stop killing us.” Amazingly, this command is directed at police officers, not at black criminals. In 2013, there were6,261 black homicide victims in the United States. The police kill roughly 400 individuals a year, most of them armed and dangerous, out of about 40 million police-civilian contacts. If the police eliminated all fatal shootings, it would have almost no impact on the black homicide risk. The killers of those black homicide victims are overwhelmingly other blacks, resulting in a death rate in inner cities that is ten times higher for blacks than for whites. In 2013, 5,375 blacks were arrested for homicide, compared with 4,396 white and Hispanic homicide suspects combined. Blacks are only 13 percent of the national population. Recent black victims of this black homicide spree include a 29-year-old woman who was shot in the head in Watts in late October 2014, a 15-month-old girl who was killed by stray gunfire in Irvington, N.J., also in October, and a 14-year-old girl who was killed in Paterson, N.J., in September. No one “braced” for riots after those killings.
Al Sharpton crows constantly about his favored status as President Obama’s civil-rights liaison. …
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